https://ir.unisa.ac.za/handle/10500/14522 2026-06-26T20:21:36Z 2026-06-26T20:21:36Z Zhou, Ian Fleming https://ir.unisa.ac.za/handle/10500/31964 2024-11-28T09:48:31Z 2017-01-30T00:00:00Z

The Six-Party Talks on North Korea’s nuclear program : analysis of how time delay tactics influence the manipulation of alliances leading to entrapment in nuclear negotiations. Zhou, Ian Fleming The research analyses how weaker parties in a negotiation can change the assumed structural outcome of a negotiation. Structural Analysis assumes that the stronger parties always prevail but that is not necessarily always the case. While the structurally stronger party is motivated by what Structural Analysis assumes, the weaker party attempts to create a change in this structure by using tactics to affect the outcome of the negotiation in its favour. Based on pre-existing assumptions that structure always favours the strong party, the strong player in a negotiation overlooks the use of tactics by the weaker party in the hope that the negotiation would eventually go its way. Such a miscalculation creates an environment conducive for entrapment because as the tactic continues to be used and the participants continue with the negotiations the process becomes entrapped and mostly limiting the options of the structurally strong party. In multilateral negotiations that involve alliances, the research points out that the weaker party to entrap the strong could use such an alliance. However, the research shall use the Six-Party Talks with a focus on the U.S., South Korea, and North Korea. The tactic that is analysed is the time delay tactic, which was used by North Korea to frustrate the U.S.-ROK alliance while creating an environment conducive for entrapment.

2017-01-30T00:00:00Z Modise, Sydney Shuping https://ir.unisa.ac.za/handle/10500/29598 2023-01-18T09:30:03Z 2022-01-01T00:00:00Z

Political leadership as a quality: a critical study of John Garang in promoting peace and reconciliation in South Sudan Modise, Sydney Shuping The purpose of this research is to look into John Garang's political leadership qualities and his role in promoting peace and reconciliation in South Sudan. The research argues that he used his vision and inspiration to rally his followers towards their common enemy, Khartoum. He always strived for the unity of the Sudan’s Peoples Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M) having examined the warring parties' perpetually failing peace treaties. Ethnic tension changed political rivalry into toxic ethnic conflict through brutal mobilisation and rhetoric. The research findings indicated that Garang was an inclusionist political leader that embodied the struggle and aspirations of all people irrespective of identity-based differences. He fought against any attempt to divide and separate the Sudan. Though he did not achieve his objective in his lifetime, Garang advocated for a united ‘New Sudan’ free from injustices of the past, where everyone had a sense of belonging and could function in a democratic and pluralistic society. His biggest achievement was the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). Thereafter, a comprehensive all-inclusive South Sudanese peace process was formulated to address the political aspects of the conflicts. South Sudan was administered by a pro-Khartoum grouping before the referendum for self-determination. This grouping used the divide and rule principle to create mistrust and hostilities among the ethnic groups. Garang’s vision for the liberation of South Sudan underpinned some of the key aspects captured within the CPA, which made unity attractive and separation the last resort. This aspect demonstrated his maturity as a political leader and served as a model for contemporary leaders to embrace all Sudanese ethnic and religious groups. Garang ensured that the CPA laid the foundation for effective governance in South Sudan, to address social, economic and political challenges. This included establishing power sharing tools that were aimed at ensuring equitable distribution of power and just representation for the different ethnic and religious groups in governance. Rotberg’s theory of transformative political leadership, specifically the Mandela model of transformative political leadership, was employed as a theoretical frame of reference because of its contextual relevance. Given the normative nature of the study, a qualitative methodology was adopted. Interviews with individuals and key role players that worked closely with the research subject constituted the primary sources of data used for the study. This contributed immensely to achieving the objective of the research which was to investigate the political leadership qualities of Garang and his role in establishing peace and advancing reconciliation in South Sudan.; Sepheo sa patlisiso ena ke ho shebisisa makhabane a boetapele ba lipolotiki ba John Garang le karolo ea hae ho khothaletseng khotso le poelano naheng ea Sudan Boroa. Patlisiso e bolela hore o sebelisitse pono ea hae le ts'usumetso ho bokella balateli ba hae ho sera sa bona se tloaelehileng, Khartoum. O ne a lula a hahamalla bonngoe ba Sudan's Peoples Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M) kaha a hlahlobile litumellano tsa khotso tse sa feleng tsa mekha e loanang. Khohlano ea merabe e ile ea fetola tlhōlisano ea lipolotiki hore e be khohlano e kotsi ea merabe ka ho bokellana ho sehlōhō le lipuo tse ngata. Liphuputso tsa lipatlisiso li bonts'itse hore Garang e ne e le moeta-pele oa lipolotiki ea kenyelelitsoeng ea kenyelletsang ntoa le litabatabelo tsa batho bohle ho sa natsoe liphapang tse ipapisitseng le boitsebahatso. O ile a loantša boiteko leha e le bofe ba ho arola le ho arola Sudan. Le hoja a sa ka a finyella sepheo sa hae bophelong ba hae, Garang o ile a buella 'Sudan e Ncha' e kopaneng e se nang ho hloka toka nakong e fetileng, moo motho e mong le e mong a neng a e-na le boikutlo ba ho ba oa hae 'me a ka sebetsa sechabeng sa demokrasi le se nang le mekhoa e mengata. Phihlello e kgolo ya hae e bile ho tekena Tumellano e Akaretsang ya Kagiso (CPA). Kamora moo, ts'ebetso e felletseng ea khotso ea Sudan Boroa e ile ea etsoa ho rarolla likarolo tsa lipolotiki tsa likhohlano. Sudan Borwa e ne e laolwa ke sehlopha sa pro-Khartoum pele ho referendum bakeng sa ho ikemela. Sehlopha sena se sebelisitse molao-motheo oa ho arola le ho laola ho theha ho se tšepane le bora har'a lihlopha tsa merabe. Pono ea Garang bakeng sa tokoloho ea Sudan Boroa e tšehelitse tse ling tsa lintlha tsa bohlokoa tse hapiloeng ka har'a CPA, tse entseng hore bonngoe bo khahle le karohano e le khetho ea ho qetela. Taba ena e bonts'itse kholo ea hae joalo ka moetapele oa lipolotiki mme e bile mohlala bakeng sa baetapele ba mehleng ea ho amohela merabe le bolumeli ba Sudan. Garang e netefalitse hore CPA e ralile motheo oa puso e sebetsang hantle naheng ea Sudan Boroa, ho rarolla mathata a sechaba, moruo le lipolotiki. Sena se ne se kenyelletsa ho theha lisebelisoa tsa ho arolelana matla tse neng li reretsoe ho netefatsa kabo e lekanang ea matla le boemeli bo nepahetseng bakeng sa merabe e fapaneng le lihlopha tsa bolumeli pusong. Khopolo ea Rotberg ea boetapele ba lipolotiki bo feto-fetohang, haholo-holo mohlala oa Mandela oa boetapele ba lipolotiki ba phetoho, e ile ea sebelisoa e le moralo oa boithuto ka lebaka la bohlokoa ba eona. Ho latela boemo bo tloaelehileng ba thuto, ho ile ha amoheloa mokhoa oa boleng. Lipuisano le batho ka bomong le bankakarolo ba ka sehloohong ba sebelitseng haufi-ufi le taba ea lipatlisiso e bile mehloli ea mantlha ea data e sebelisitsoeng thutong. Sena se ile sa kenya letsoho haholo ho fihlelleng sepheo sa lipatlisiso e neng e le ho batlisisa makhabane a boetapele ba lipolotiki ba Garang le karolo ea hae ho theheng khotso le ho ntšetsa pele poelano Sudan Boroa. Abstracts in English and Sesotho

2022-01-01T00:00:00Z Seemela, Ontlotile https://ir.unisa.ac.za/handle/10500/28731 2022-04-14T10:10:35Z 2021-06-01T00:00:00Z

Thabo Mbeki and Black public intellectuals: the politics of tolerance and criticism in post-1994 South Africa Seemela, Ontlotile This study’s primary aim is to examine how black public intellectuals engaged with Thabo Mbeki publicly, in post-1994 public discourse. The concept of black public intellectuals used here relates to the capacity of critics who engage with ideas in their public speech. Therefore, this study will observe the antagonistic relationship between the Mbeki and black public intellectuals because it shaped South Africa’s public and political discourse. However, the study will specifically focus on three black public intellectuals namely, Sipho Seepe, Xolela Mangcu and William Gumede. These three intellectuals were among the most vocal critics of former President Thabo Mbeki thought through their media commentary, public debates and books. It is imperative to determine whether Thabo Mbeki was tolerant of the criticism he received from public intellectuals during his tenure. Equally important for this study is to evaluate the extent to which the intellectuals were tolerant of the ideas formed by and circulated in the new dispensation by those in power. The year 2007 will be crucial to this study because criticism towards Mbeki from these public intellectuals heightened in 2007. Seepe, Mangcu and Gumede; disagreed most prominently on Mbeki’s views on AIDS, race and the media. This study also aims to investigate whether or not Seepe, Mangcu and Gumede have been tolerant of the criticism they received from Thabo Mbeki.

2021-06-01T00:00:00Z Ndayisenga, Zenon https://ir.unisa.ac.za/handle/10500/28453 2022-01-25T13:38:23Z 2021-09-01T00:00:00Z

Frantz Fanon’s conception of decolonization : violence, tabula rasa, and new humanism Ndayisenga, Zenon his study uses Africana existential phenomenology as the theoretical foundation to comprehend Frantz Fanon’s conception of decolonisation. His conception of decolonisation is respectively and tri-dimensionally based on the concepts, namely violence, tabula rasa, and new humanism. While Africana existential phenomenology is concerned with the lived experience of black subjects, the concept of violence, tabula rasa, and new humanism chart the way out for the critical situation of being-black-in-the-world. The study exposes how colonialism is a longue-durée project that continues to animate the practice of dehumanisation. Consequently, black subjects are deprived of their humanity and privileges in their everyday lives. An assessment of violence, tabula rasa, and new humanism, reveals how black subjects can therefore create other true modes of existential life. These curative modes result from engaging in an enduring struggle as an imperative way for black subjects to defeat the perpetual colonialism, recover their humanity and reach self-determination.

2021-09-01T00:00:00Z